BOHINEY MAGAZINE

America’s Journal of Common Sense

Issue No. 31 | Saturday, September 13, 1947 | Washington, D.C. | Price: 15¢

Nehru Proposes Moving Four Million People, Calls It “Population Exchange” Instead of “Mass Deportation”

Indian Prime Minister Discovers That Calling Something by a Nicer Name Doesn’t Make It Less Chaotic

Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru proposed yesterday that India and Pakistan engage in a “massive population exchange,” relocating approximately four million Hindus and Muslims between the two nations. This is diplomatic language for “forcibly moving millions of people who are already moving themselves, except now with government organization.”

The partition of India, which occurred barely a month ago, has gone about as well as sawing a boat in half while everyone’s still on board. Millions of people are fleeing across the new borders—Hindus leaving Pakistan, Muslims leaving India, Sikhs fleeing both—and the resulting chaos makes the California Gold Rush look organized by comparison.

Nehru’s proposal attempts to bring order to this catastrophe by officially organizing what’s already happening unofficially. The difference between a “population exchange” and millions of terrified people fleeing violence is primarily vocabulary and perhaps some paperwork. Both involve the same outcome: enormous human displacement, suffering, and the permanent severing of communities that existed for centuries.

“When politicians start using pleasant euphemisms like ‘exchange’ instead of ‘forced relocation,’ brace yourself for tragedy disguised as policy.”

Four million people is not an abstract number. It’s the equivalent of moving every resident of Philadelphia, Boston, and Detroit combined. It’s forcing families to abandon homes, businesses, and communities because someone in London drew a line on a map and decided Hindus belong here, Muslims belong there, and good luck to everyone caught in between.

The violence accompanying partition has already killed thousands—estimates range from tens of thousands to hundreds of thousands, and nobody knows the real number because counting corpses during mass migration is challenging. Trains arrive at stations filled with dead passengers, massacred during their journey. Villages are burned. Women are kidnapped. This is what “population exchange” looks like when stripped of diplomatic euphemism.

Nehru, to his credit, is trying to manage an impossible situation inherited from British colonial mismanagement. But proposing to organize the displacement of four million people assumes government can bring order to chaos that government created. The British drew their borders. The British left. Now Indian and Pakistani leaders must somehow sort millions of people into nations that didn’t exist six weeks ago.

The logistics alone stagger the imagination. How do you move four million people? Where do they go? Who pays for their transportation, housing, and resettlement? How do you prevent violence during the move? How do you compensate people for abandoned property? How do you rebuild communities torn apart by artificial borders?

The answer, based on current evidence, is: you don’t. You propose an “exchange,” issue some statements about orderly relocation, then watch as millions of people continue fleeing violence while governments struggle to provide basic security, let alone organized resettlement.

History will judge partition harshly. It took a single nation—imperfect, troubled, but functioning—and split it into two nations separated by religion, creating permanent enemies from former neighbors. The human cost is incalculable. The political consequences will reverberate for generations. Future historians will likely conclude that drawing borders through populated regions based on religious demographics was, at best, catastrophically naive.

But that judgment comes later. Right now, four million people face displacement. Millions more have already fled. The “population exchange” Nehru proposes is simply acknowledging reality while pretending government policy controls events rather than merely responds to them.

When politicians start using pleasant euphemisms like “exchange” instead of “forced relocation,” brace yourself for tragedy disguised as policy. People aren’t exchanging anything—they’re fleeing for their lives or being forced from homes at government direction. Calling it an exchange doesn’t make it voluntary, organized, or humane.

Nehru faces an impossible task: managing the aftermath of partition while building a new nation. But proposing organized displacement of millions suggests governments still believe they can manage enormous human movements through policy and planning. Partition proves they can’t. They can only watch, respond, and occasionally pretend their policies matter more than survival instincts of millions trying not to die.

Four million people will move, with or without Nehru’s official population exchange. They’ll move because staying means risking death. They’ll move because partition made their homes uninhabitable. They’ll move because Britain left a mess and politicians in Delhi and Karachi must somehow clean it up.

May they succeed, though history suggests massive government-organized population movements rarely end well. And may future colonial powers remember this lesson: when you rule a nation for two centuries, spend more than five weeks planning your departure.

Screen Actors Guild Demands Loyalty Oaths, Proving McCarthy Was Right About Hollywood Being Full of Actors

Anti-Communist Pledge Ensures That Only Properly Patriotic People Can Pretend to Be Other People for Money

The Screen Actors Guild enacted an anti-Communist loyalty oath this week, requiring members to swear they’re not secretly plotting to overthrow capitalism between takes. This represents either sensible precaution against Soviet infiltration or paranoid hysteria about entertainers who spend their professional lives pretending to be fictional characters—possibly both.

The oath is simple: actors must declare they’re not Communists, don’t support Communist causes, and won’t use their platform as pretenders-for-hire to advance Marxist ideology. Refuse to sign, and your acting career ends. Sign while lying, and you risk later exposure and permanent blacklisting. It’s democracy at its finest: swear loyalty or find new employment.

Hollywood, for those unfamiliar with its peculiarities, is where people dress up in costumes, recite lines written by others, and convince audiences they’re cowboys, soldiers, or romantic leads. These professional pretenders now must prove they’re sincere patriots before being allowed to insincerely portray characters.

“We’re demanding ideological purity from people whose job is pretending to be someone they’re not. The irony is apparently lost on everyone involved.”

The concern, as Washington sees it, is that Communist actors might use films to spread propaganda. This fear assumes audiences will be radicalized by watching James Cagney dance or Katharine Hepburn deliver witty dialogue. Perhaps they believe Communist screenwriters are inserting secret Marxist messages into romantic comedies: “Workers of the world unite!” hidden between “I love you” and “Let’s get married.”

To be fair, Hollywood does have some Communist sympathizers. The Depression convinced many intellectuals and artists that capitalism had failed and socialism offered solutions. Some joined the Communist Party. Others attended meetings, signed petitions, or expressed sympathy for Soviet ideals before Stalin’s purges and show trials revealed that maybe Communist governments weren’t actually workers’ paradises after all.

But requiring loyalty oaths from actors seems particularly absurd. We’re demanding ideological purity from people whose job is pretending to be someone they’re not. The irony is apparently lost on everyone involved. An actor can convincingly portray a Nazi, a murderer, or a philanderer—but expressing political opinions deemed too left-wing? That’s where we draw the line.

The Screen Actors Guild, led by board member and actor Ronald Reagan, supports the oath. Reagan argues that protecting America from Communist infiltration justifies requiring political declarations from union members. One wonders if he’ll be equally enthusiastic about loyalty oaths if future political winds shift and different ideologies become suspect.

The oath creates several problems beyond obvious free speech concerns. First: it assumes people who sign are telling the truth. Communists comfortable lying about their beliefs will simply lie on oaths too. The oath catches only honest people who refuse to lie about their politics—not actually the dangerous infiltrators everyone’s worried about.

Second: it conflates past political exploration with present threat. Many Hollywood leftists joined Communist organizations during the Depression when capitalism seemed to be failing. They’ve since become disillusioned with Communism. But the oath treats past association as permanent disqualification, suggesting political beliefs are permanent rather than evolving.

Third: it assumes actors have enormous political influence. Do they? Audiences watch movies for entertainment, not political instruction. The average American doesn’t leave a theater thinking “that was an excellent romantic comedy, and it’s convinced me to overthrow the government.” They think “that was entertaining, now let’s get dinner.”

The real purpose of loyalty oaths isn’t catching Communists—it’s demonstrating patriotic commitment. Industries facing scrutiny can protect themselves by implementing oaths, showing Congress and the public that they’re serious about anti-Communism. It’s defensive virtue signaling: we’re patriots, see our loyalty oaths, please don’t investigate us further.

This won’t end with actors. Loyalty oaths will spread to other industries, other professions, other organizations. Teachers, government workers, union members—anyone whose loyalty might be questioned will face demands to publicly declare political allegiance. America is developing a habit of requiring citizens to prove they’re sufficiently American, which seems contrary to American values but perfectly aligned with Cold War anxiety.

The Soviets must be laughing. America claims to be the land of freedom while requiring citizens to swear loyalty oaths and blacklisting dissenters. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union openly admits it’s a totalitarian state where dissent isn’t tolerated. At least they’re honest about their authoritarianism. We’re implementing it while insisting we’re defending freedom.

Hollywood will comply. Actors will sign oaths. Some careers will end. Films will continue being made, though perhaps with more careful attention to avoiding anything that might be interpreted as insufficiently patriotic. America will be safe from the terrifying prospect of Communist propaganda hidden in musical numbers and romantic comedies.

And everyone will pretend this makes sense: requiring people who pretend professionally to swear they’re not pretending about their politics. It’s theater about theater, performance art masquerading as patriotism.

Welcome to the Cold War, where even entertainers must prove they’re not entertaining the wrong ideas.

The Inexplicable Popularity of Fishing

Why Men Voluntarily Wake at Dawn to Sit in Boats Accomplishing Nothing

Every weekend, millions of American men wake before dawn, drive to bodies of water, and spend hours sitting in boats hoping fish will voluntarily attach themselves to hooks. This is called “fishing,” and it represents either peaceful recreation or elaborate excuse to avoid household responsibilities—possibly both.

The stated purpose of fishing is catching fish. The actual purpose is sitting quietly away from wives, children, and any expectation of productivity. Fish are incidental. If men actually wanted fish, they’d visit markets where fish are abundant, already dead, and require no early morning departures or hours of patience.

Fishing’s appeal mystifies non-fishermen. You wake early—the worst possible start to any day. You pack elaborate equipment—rods, reels, tackle boxes containing hundreds of specialized items whose purposes remain mysterious even to their owners. You travel to a lake or river, sit in a boat or on a bank, cast a line into water, then wait for something to happen that probably won’t.

“Fishing is the only hobby where complete failure to accomplish your stated objective is considered a successful day.”

Hours pass. Nothing happens. Occasionally your line moves, suggesting fish interest. Usually it’s weeds. Sometimes it’s actual fish, which you fight to bring in, measure to ensure they’re legal size, then frequently throw back because that’s apparently the sporting thing to do. You’ve woken at dawn, driven to a lake, sat for hours, caught a fish, then released it so someone else can catch it later. This makes sense to fishermen.

The equipment fetishism is particularly notable. Fishermen own dozens of rods despite having only two hands. They accumulate tackle boxes containing hundreds of lures, each supposedly perfect for specific conditions: cloudy days, sunny days, morning fishing, evening fishing, cold water, warm water, aggressive fish, passive fish. The fish, presumably unaware of these distinctions, ignore most lures regardless of conditions.

Fishing stories are their own genre of fiction. Every fisherman has caught enormous fish that “got away.” These fish grow larger with each telling until eventually the fisherman was battling creatures the size of submarines. “It broke my line,” they explain, as if this proves the fish’s size rather than the fisherman’s equipment failure or tendency toward exaggeration.

The social aspect of fishing is equally peculiar. Men who can’t sit quietly in church for an hour will sit quietly in boats for eight hours. They claim this demonstrates patience. More likely, it demonstrates that men will endure anything to avoid weekend household tasks. “Sorry, dear, can’t clean the gutters—I’m fishing” is socially acceptable. “Sorry, dear, can’t clean the gutters—I’m sitting in the garage doing nothing” is not.

Fishing also provides male bonding opportunities. Men who struggle with emotional communication can sit together in comfortable silence, occasionally commenting on water conditions or equipment. This passes for friendship. No deep conversations, no emotional vulnerability, just two men sitting in a boat not catching fish together. It’s enough.

The expense is rarely discussed. Boats, motors, equipment, licenses, bait—fishing is expensive hobby masquerading as economical food source. Men justify this by claiming they’re providing for their families, ignoring that purchasing equivalent fish from markets would cost a fraction of their fishing investment. But market fish don’t come with dawn departures and peaceful hours away from responsibility.

Women tolerate fishing because it keeps husbands occupied and mostly out of trouble. A man fishing isn’t drinking at bars, gambling at race tracks, or causing domestic problems. He’s sitting in a boat, harmlessly pursuing fish that probably won’t be caught. This is ideal husband behavior from the wife’s perspective: absent but accounted for.

Children complicate fishing. Fathers bring sons fishing to “teach them” despite having little to teach beyond patience and disappointment. The boy is bored within an hour—children lack the ability to sit motionless for hours accomplishing nothing. The father insists fishing builds character. The boy wishes he’d stayed home. Both are probably right.

Fishing is the only hobby where complete failure to accomplish your stated objective is considered a successful day. “Didn’t catch anything, but it was great getting out on the water!” fishermen say cheerfully. Imagine applying this logic elsewhere: “Didn’t fix anything, but it was great getting out the tools!” or “Didn’t sell anything, but it was great getting to the office!” Fishing exists in its own logical universe where participation matters more than results.

The contemplative aspect is allegedly valuable. Fishing provides time to think, reflect, and appreciate nature. This is code for “time away from obligations with socially acceptable excuse.” Men don’t need fishing to contemplate—they could contemplate anywhere. But saying “I’m going to sit in the garage thinking” seems lazy while “I’m going fishing” seems purposeful.

Will fishing’s popularity decline? Not likely. As long as men need escapes from domestic responsibility, fishing will thrive. As long as wives tolerate husband’s absences for “sporting” purposes, boats will fill lakes every weekend. As long as fish exist, men will wake early to not catch them.

It’s the perfect hobby: low expectations, high satisfaction, excellent excuses, and dinner occasionally. What more could a man want?

The Tyranny of Punctuality

Why Being On Time Is Overrated and Fashionably Late Is Underappreciated

Modern society worships punctuality, treating it as fundamental virtue separating civilized people from barbarians. Arrive fifteen minutes late to anything and watch the judgmental stares. You’re not just tardy—you’re demonstrating character flaws, disrespecting others, and violating social contracts. This is tyranny disguised as courtesy.

The insistence on punctuality is relatively recent. Previous generations operated on approximate schedules: “morning” meant anytime before noon, “afternoon” meant anytime after lunch, and “evening” meant whenever people eventually arrived. Nobody owned watches precise enough to worry about five-minute delays. Life proceeded at human pace rather than mechanical precision.

Then came industrialization, trains, factory schedules, and the notion that time is money. Suddenly everyone needed to arrive exactly when expected, work precisely scheduled hours, and view every moment as measurable commodity. We’ve organized ourselves around clock time rather than human time, and called this progress.

“We’ve created a culture where being five minutes late is considered rude, but demanding everyone arrive exactly on time is considered reasonable.”

Consider what punctuality actually requires. You must estimate travel time perfectly, accounting for traffic, weather, and unexpected delays. You must leave earlier than necessary to avoid being late, then arrive early and wait. You’re essentially sacrificing your time to ensure you don’t waste others’ time, except their time isn’t actually wasted because they’re also arriving early to avoid being late.

The result is everyone arriving early, waiting around, pretending this is more efficient than everyone arriving when convenient and accepting slight variation in schedules. We’ve created a culture where being five minutes late is considered rude, but demanding everyone arrive exactly on time is considered reasonable.

Punctuality fetishists—and they are numerous—treat timeliness as moral issue. “Respecting others’ time” is their favorite justification. But respecting others’ time should include recognizing that strict scheduling is often unnecessary. Does your dinner party actually require guests to arrive at exactly 6:30? Will civilization collapse if they arrive at 6:45? The answer is no, but admitting this would undermine punctuality’s moral authority.

Different cultures understand this better than Americans. Mediterranean societies operate on “elastic time”—appointments are suggestions rather than obligations. Social events begin when people arrive, not when clocks dictate. This seems chaotic to Americans raised on scheduling precision, but it’s actually more humane. It accommodates human reality: people have delays, emergencies, and lives that don’t perfectly conform to schedules.

The counterargument is that without punctuality, nothing would get done. Meetings would never start, appointments would never occur, and society would descend into chaos. This assumes humans are naturally lazy and only coercion forces cooperation. More likely, people would still mostly arrive roughly on time because that’s actually convenient, but without the guilt and judgment when delays occur.

Certain occasions genuinely require punctuality. Trains must run on schedule or the system collapses. Surgeries can’t wait for doctors who show up eventually. Time-sensitive operations need precision timing. But most daily activities don’t fall into this category. Most meetings, social gatherings, and appointments could accommodate fifteen-minute flexibility without consequence.

The anxiety around punctuality is its own problem. People worry constantly about being late, checking clocks repeatedly, leaving excessively early, and arriving too early then waiting. This isn’t efficient—it’s exhausting. The mental energy spent ensuring punctuality could be better used actually preparing for whatever you’re attending.

Chronic lateness is different issue. People who are always significantly late are inconsiderate. But there’s vast difference between consistent disregard for others’ time and occasional delays due to circumstances. We’ve conflated the two, treating any lateness as moral failing rather than distinguishing between chronic issues and normal variation.

Technology has made punctuality tyranny worse. We have watches, clocks, schedules, and appointment books all conspiring to enforce exact timing. Before portable timepieces, nobody knew if you were five minutes late—they only knew you eventually arrived. Now everyone can measure your lateness to the minute, creating pressure toward inhuman precision.

The solution isn’t abandoning all scheduling—complete chaos serves nobody. The solution is reasonable flexibility. Build slack into schedules. Accept that delays happen. Stop treating five-minute lateness as personal insult. Recognize that most activities don’t actually require split-second timing despite our cultural insistence that they do.

Some will argue this columnist advocates rudeness and disrespect. Not at all. What’s being advocated is proportional response. Reserve punctuality demands for occasions genuinely requiring it. For everything else, relax. Life is too short to spend it anxiously checking clocks and judging others for minor scheduling variations.

The irony is that punctuality’s biggest advocates are often people with predictable schedules and no understanding of others’ complications. They arrive early to everything, then feel superior to those who don’t. They’ve never dealt with sick children, broken-down cars, or unpredictable bosses. Their punctuality reflects fortunate circumstances more than superior character.

So this columnist proposes moderation: be roughly on time for things that matter, and don’t worry excessively about everything else. Arrive when convenient. Apologize briefly if late. Accept others’ apologies when they’re delayed. Recognize that humans aren’t machines and scheduling precision is neither moral virtue nor realistic expectation.

Time is valuable, but so is sanity. The former doesn’t justify sacrificing the latter.

The Art of Strategic Forgetting

Why Remembering Everything Would Be a Curse

Memory is treated as unqualified virtue: the more you remember, the better. Sharp memory is praised, forgetfulness criticized, and inability to recall details treated as personal failing. This is backwards. Forgetting is valuable skill that most people don’t appreciate until they can’t do it anymore.

Consider what life would be like if you remembered everything. Every embarrassing moment, every slight, every disappointment—all perfectly preserved in memory, available for instant recall. Every tedious conversation, boring meeting, and unpleasant experience stored permanently. This isn’t blessing—it’s curse. Forgetting protects us from ourselves.

Grudges persist because people remember offenses too well. Marriages fail because spouses recall every argument. Friendships end because someone said something thoughtless three years ago and it’s never been forgotten. Perfect memory would multiply these problems. The ability to forget—truly forget, not just suppress—is what allows relationships to survive.

“Forgetting isn’t failure of memory—it’s success of psychological filtering, sorting important from trivial and releasing what doesn’t serve us.”

The brain doesn’t forget randomly—it forgets strategically. Unimportant details fade. Repeated information strengthens. Emotional events stick while mundane ones disappear. This is sophisticated filtering system, not defective storage. Your brain is constantly deciding what deserves permanent storage and what can be discarded. It’s doing you a favor.

People who complain about forgetting usually mean they forgot something they wish they’d remembered: a name, an appointment, where they put their keys. But they don’t complain about forgetting the thousands of irrelevant details their brains appropriately discarded: what they ate for lunch six weeks ago, what shoes stranger on the bus wore last Tuesday, exact wording of boring conversation with neighbor.

The difference between important and trivial seems obvious in retrospect, but brains must make these decisions constantly. Sometimes they get it wrong—you forget appointments while remembering useless trivia. But mostly they get it right, filtering enormous quantities of daily information into manageable memories.

Social forgetting is particularly valuable. People say thoughtless things. You say thoughtless things. If everyone remembered every careless remark, every social blunder, every moment of awkwardness, society would collapse under weight of accumulated grievances. Forgetting allows fresh starts, second chances, and relationships not permanently damaged by past mistakes.

Strategic forgetting also applies to things we deliberately choose to not remember. Unpleasant experiences, traumatic events, painful memories—the ability to let these fade is protective. Some people can’t forget trauma, which becomes their defining characteristic. The rest of us gradually forget, allowing past pain to recede and present life to proceed.

This isn’t suppression or denial—it’s healthy psychological processing. You remember that something bad happened, but specific details fade. The emotional intensity decreases. The memory becomes story you tell rather than experience you relive. This is memory working correctly, not failing.

The elderly often complain about memory loss, and legitimate cognitive decline does occur. But some “memory problems” are just prioritization. The brain stops storing trivial information because there’s no room and no point. Why remember where you parked when parking locations don’t matter long-term? Why remember names of people you’ll never see again? The brain appropriately focuses on what actually matters.

Technology is ruining our appreciation for forgetting. We can now record everything: photographs, videos, written records. We’re creating permanent archives of experiences that should be allowed to fade. Future generations will have complete documentation of their entire lives, unable to forget anything because everything’s recorded. This will not improve their happiness.

The right to be forgotten—emerging legal concept—recognizes that permanent memory creates permanent consequences. Old mistakes, youthful indiscretions, moments of poor judgment—these should be allowed to fade. But digital technology makes everything permanent, creating society where nothing is truly forgotten and everyone’s past follows them forever.

This columnist suspects increased psychological problems in future generations who can’t forget because their entire lives are documented online. The ability to reinvent yourself, start fresh, leave past behind—these require forgetting, both personal and social. Remove forgetting and you remove second chances.

So embrace forgetting. Don’t fight your brain’s natural tendency to discard unimportant information. Don’t feel guilty about not remembering every detail of every day. Don’t judge others for forgetting things you think they should remember—their brains are prioritizing differently than yours, and neither is necessarily wrong.

Forgetting isn’t failure of memory—it’s success of psychological filtering, sorting important from trivial and releasing what doesn’t serve us. Perfect memory would be torture. Imperfect memory is blessing.

Though admittedly, it would be nice to remember where you put your keys.

The Absurdity of Lawn Ornaments

Why People Pay Money to Make Their Yards Look Ridiculous

American lawns have become galleries for absurdist sculpture, displaying objects no sane person would voluntarily place in their yard if not for mysterious social pressure to “decorate” outdoor spaces. We have pink flamingos, garden gnomes, decorative windmills, ceramic animals, and other inexplicable objects that serve no purpose except announcing: “I make questionable aesthetic decisions.”

The garden gnome deserves particular attention. These small, bearded figures crouch in gardens nationwide, appearing to guard flowers or perhaps plot mischief. Nobody knows why gnomes. Why not garden accountants? Garden plumbers? Garden congressmen? At some point, someone decided gardens needed small mythical creatures, and everyone else followed along like it made perfect sense.

Pink flamingos are equally mystifying. Real flamingos are tropical birds living in flocks near water. Plastic flamingos are cheap lawn decorations that turn yards into ironic statements or sincere attempts at tropical ambiance in Cleveland. Either interpretation is troubling. If ironic, you’re spending money to mock suburban aesthetic while participating in it. If sincere, you believe plastic birds improve your lawn, which suggests deeper problems.

“We’ve decided that yards require decoration beyond grass and plants, as if nature itself is insufficient.”

Decorative windmills are particularly absurd. They don’t mill anything—they’re purely ornamental. A real windmill pumps water or grinds grain. A decorative windmill spins uselessly while suggesting your yard is somehow Dutch-themed despite being in Nebraska. It’s pretend functionality, decoration disguised as utility, and people pay

By Alan Nafzger

Alan Nafzger was born in Lubbock, Texas, the son Swiss immigrants. He grew up on a dairy in Windthorst, north central Texas. He earned degrees from Midwestern State University (B.A. 1985) and Texas State University (M.A. 1987). University College Dublin (Ph.D. 1991). Dr. Nafzger has entertained and educated young people in Texas colleges for 37 years. Nafzger is best known for his dark novels and experimental screenwriting. His best know scripts to date are Lenin's Body, produced in Russia by A-Media and Sea and Sky produced in The Philippines in the Tagalog language. In 1986, Nafzger wrote the iconic feminist western novel, Gina of Quitaque. Contact: [email protected]